Saturday, January 29, 2011

KVP : Beginsel- of programpartij? Limburgse Accenten?

De KVP, de katholieke volkspartij met haar bolwerken in Limburg en Brabant is een product van de discussie over verzuiling en doorbraak die na de tweede wereld oorlog uitmondde in een compromis over de principiële vraag of een exclusief katholieke partij, zoals de RKSP steeds was geweest, nog wel reden van bestaan had:
"Tegenover enkele prominente oud-RKSP'ers die deze vraag positief wilden beantwoorden, stonden 'vernieuwers' als J.E. de Quay en E.M.J.A. Sassen die het standpunt huldigden dat katholieken zich niet zozeer op het godsdienstige beginsel, alswel op een door iedereen onderschreven programma moesten kunnen verenigen."
De KVP brak na de tweede wereld oorlog nadrukkelijk met het "dogma van Nolens" dat de voorloper RKSP van de KVP steeds had gehuldigd.

Zo lezen we op Eramusplein:

"Tegelijkertijd kan met de oprichting van de KVP wel degelijk van een breuk in de geschiedenis van de katholieke politiek gesproken worden. Want wat vóór 1940 ondenkbaar was geweest, werd na 1945 voor noodzakelijk gehouden: de samenwerking met de PvdA in regeringscoalities. De befaamde 'uiterste noodzaak'-strategie van RKSP-voorman W.H. Nolens had coalitievorming met de socialisten in het interbellum steeds in de weg gestaan. Na 1945 werden de sociaal-democraten als natuurlijke regeringspartner gezien. De voorheen vaste coalitiegenoten CHU en ARP waren de KVP'ers in sociaal-economisch opzicht te 'rechts' geworden."

Het dogma van Nolens werd na de tweede wereld oorlog door de KVP aan de dijk gezet. Dat goldt dus ook voor de Limburgse KVP. Denk alleen al aan de mijnstreek met haar arbeiders. Ik geloof er helemaal niets van dat de KVP'ers in die streek principiële Nolens aanhangers waren.

Ook in het tweede deel van Bornewasser's geschiedschrijving van de KVP komt de Limburgse eigenheid binnen de KVP niet naar boven. Het lijkt dus vooral een sprookje om te suggereren dat Limburgers binnen de KVP een aparte positie hebben ingenomen.

De bekendste Limburgse RKSP politicus is Charles Ruijs de Beerenbrouck, zoon van een jonkheer uit Roermond. Later werd hij gemeenteraadslid in Maastricht, Gouverneur van Limburg, Minister-president (naar voren geschoven door priester Nolens) en Kamer Voorzitter.

Friday, January 28, 2011

Mpoko Bazar: Ambiance Congolaise And Good Food

If you like Kamundele or Ntaba just take a walk in Matongé, Brussels. It's the Congolese quarter Matongé in Brussels where you can go out at small bars like "le kalebas" or eat Ntaba and other Congolese food at restaurants like Mpoko. The Chaussée de Wavre in Ixxel is allways alive. In Molenbeek there also is a nice place

Friday, January 21, 2011

Kagame court denies bail, again, to Victoire Ingabire

Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza in Rwanda's 
pink prison garb and handcuffs.

Kigali - On Thursday, January 20th, Rwanda's High Court once again rejected the bail appeal of Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Chair of Rwanda's FDU-INKINGI coalition of opposition parties.
Her preventive detention order had expired during the Christmas holidays, but the judge ruled that her case had been transmitted to the Court for the evidence stage thereafter. Ingabire remains in Kigali's infamous 1930 maximum security prison.

Her preventive detention order had expired during the Christmas holidays, but the judge ruled that her case had been transmitted to the Court for the evidence stage thereafter. Ingabire remains in Kigali's infamous 1930 maximum security prison.


Thursday, January 20, 2011

Anniversary: Obama's Invasion of Congo on Inauguration Day

Two years ago, on January 20, 2009, Barack Obama, the U.S.A.'s first African American president, invaded the Democratic Republic of Congo, the heart of Africa, on his Inauguration Day.

Most Americans, including those who campaigned hardest for Obama, would have a hard time making sense of this, or of the military forces involved. Most would not recognize the acronyms of the Rwandan Defense Force (RDF), the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), the Ugandan People's Defense Force (UPDF), or the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). 
So, what sense does it make, to say that Barack Obama invaded Congo, the heart of Africa, on his Inauguration Day?  It makes sense because:

1)  On his Inauguration Day, Obama became the Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Armed Forces.

2)   The Rwandan and Ugandan armies serve as the U.S. military's proxies in Africa.

The only media outlet willing and able to produce something akin to a news report about this was the Assassinated Press, in "Obama Invades the Congo on Inauguration Day."

I had been a guest on the KPFA Radio Morning Show the day before Obama's Inauguration, where I had tried to explain that Reverend Rick Warren, a world class homophobe, and Obama's controversial pick to say his inaugural invocation, was not a benevolent presence in Africa, as reported by Team Obama in their attempts at damage control.  I later turned what I'd tried to explain into a video, "Imperial Evangelism."

But, I was so staggered by what happened the next day, during the Obama Inauguration, that I was unable to write about it for over a year and a half, not until October 1, 2010, when I wrote "Obama’s Congo moment: genocide, the U.N. report and Senate Bill 2125," an essay published first in the SF Bay View, then Global Research, the Black Star News, and The Newsline EA (East Africa).

Ugandan American Black Star News Editor Milton Allimadi, gave that report a more straightforward title:  "Congo Genocide: Obama Knows the Real Story."

Obama Inauguration on screen, Times Square,
New York City, January 20, 2009.
Photo: Jeremy Gordon, Flickr
Today, two years after Obama's Inauguration Day, many of Obama's near fanatical 2008 supporters have turned away, calling him a disaster and searching for another candidate to step up and challenge him in the 2011 primary.   But, what more can we expect from presidential elections that now cost well over half a billion dollars?   The London Guardian reported, on October 23, that the Obama and McCain campaign costs were approaching $1 billion.

Though I myself felt psychologically battered by Obama fanatics by the end of the 2008 election, I can now hardly imagine a bigger waste of time than trying to knock Obama out of the Democratic primary in 2011.

Instead I would urge all those who campaigned for Obama, then turned away in disgust, to take some responsibility by reading Senate Bill 2125, the only Senate Bill that will ever bear Barack Obama's name alone, the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006. I explained why in my essay, "Obama’s Congo moment: Genocide, the U.N. report and Senate Bill 2125."

Obama did not have to invade Congo, the heart of Africa, on his Inauguration Day.   He does not have to continue, now, to ignore the UN Mapping Report, released October 1st, which documents our proxy armies' war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocidal civilian massacres in Congo.  Obama knows the truth about Congo; he knows that, as he wrote in his 2006 legislation, "the real and perceived presence of armed groups hostile to the Governments of Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi continue to serve as a major source of regional instability and an apparent pretext for continued interference in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by its neighbors [Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi]."

But, the full force of the national security state now surrounding Obama could not be more invested in Congo, the most lethal conflict since World War II, which might well be understood as the back end of "the war."

Big bombs drop out of jet fighter bombers and U.S. soldier die in the front end of the war in Afghanistan, and U.S. soldiers continue to die in Iraq, but in Congo, where our African proxies serve U.S. security state interests, rape and HIV seem to be the most lethal weapons.

Southern Africa's resources, and most of all Congo's, are essential to our military industries' ability to manufacture for war.   The war in Congo is, as I wrote, on March 11, 2009, in the San Francisco Bay View, war for the sake of war itself.

African and Peace and Justice Activists Worldwide Must Defend a Free Internet

I just posted this on my blog in the U.S., and, at the same time, wondered about the state of the Net and any political struggles around "net neutrality" in Europe.  Does anyone have information to share?

I really can't say how important this is to peace and social justice activists.  There is no way I could have built the network I've built or joined the community of Africa peace and social justice activists I've joined without the Internet.  Some of the only hopeful news I could remember last year was the report of a new Internet infrastructure going up the West Coast of Africa and Europe, joining the two without mediation by government and big corporate media.

Americans can get more info and join the mailing list at internetyouneed; I imagine there are similar European organizations.

Monday, January 17, 2011

KPFA's Africa Today: Ludo de Witte on "The Assassination of Patrice Lumumba"

Patrice Lumumba, Congo's first legally
elected Prime Minister, assassinated
January 17, 1961.

Here, on the 50th anniversary of the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, is KPFA Africa Today host Walter Turner's November 27, 2006 interview with Belgian author Ludo de Witte on his book,"The Assassination of Patrice Lumumba":

Africa Today - November 27, 2006 at 7:00pm

Click to listen (or download)

Sunday, January 16, 2011

Southern Sudan votes, but not oil rich Abyei

Sudan's oil rich Abyei Territory did not vote
with the rest of Southern Sudan this week because
North and South could not agree on who would
be allowed to vote.

KPFA Weekend News Host Rose Ketabchi:
The Southern Sudanese people finished voting in their referendum on independence today.  A new African nation, Southern Sudan is expected to emerge as a result. However, the people of Sudan's hotly contested, oil rich region of Abyei did not vote with the rest of the South this week.  KPFA's Ann Garrison reports.

KPFA/Ann Garrison:
Fighting began in the Abyei Territory, on the border of what are expected to become North and South Sudan, before the rest of the Southern Sudanese people began voting on independence last Sunday. Seventy-six people were reported dead as the fighting continued this week. Before the South began voting, Omar al-Bashir told Aljazeera that he would not accept Abyei's independence from the North:

Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir:
We will not accept Abyei to be part of the South. If any party takes any independent action over Abyei that would be the beginning of a conflict. That's why we say that the status quo in Abyei remains unchanged, with the same administration and components, until we reach a solution.

The Abyei Territory is an area of 4,038 square miles accorded special administrative status by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended the Second Sudanese Civil War in 2005. It is not only oil rich but also very fertile agricultural land. The Dinka Ngoc farming people, who are aligned with the South, are Abyei's majority inhabitants, but the nomadic Misseriya herdsmen, aligned with the North, have grazing rights and Abyei is considered a historical bridge between North and South Sudan.

Mugume Rwakaringi, the Managing Editor of Nile Fortune, is the author of the magazine's November-December cover story "Why Abyei Oil Will Make or Break South Sudan Independence?" "On the map of Sudan itself, Abyei is a mere spot in the middle of the country," he wrote, "but because of its oil reserves, its importance is far beyond its size. Abyei is Sudan’s main oil producing region and by 2003, was responsible for over one-third of Sudan’s crude oil production.

Rwakaringi spoke to KPFA and AfrobeatRadio from Juba, the capitol of Southern Sudan:

Mugume Rwakaringi:
Concerning the reaction of the Sudanese people, if the Abyei people are not allowed to vote: If the Abyei issue is not resolved, then you would expect no stability in this region. That's why the Abyei is of concern for every Sudanese. They all want the Abyei crisis resolved. That's when they would be assured of stability in their country, be it the North or the South.

In NBC Dateline's December 3rd "Winds of War" report, NBC host Ann Curry asked UN Ambassador Susan Rice whether she will consider intervention by a multilateral military force if war breaks out again. Rice responded that she would not rule out anything.

For Pacifica, KPFA and AfrobeatRadio, this is Ann Garrison.

Wednesday, January 12, 2011

Obama's New Media Operations Manager To Clinton: Engage Or Die!

In July Mary Joyce wrote a very critical article on Hillary Clinton's “21st century statecraft”in which she said: 
"What more can be done by those in US government?  First: listen more.  Instead of engaging with billionaires and titans of tech,"
And, on a side note, instead of having inspiring lunches with criminal dictators like Paul Kagame, start engaging the emerging African and diaspora blogosphere across the globe. Obama's former New Media Operations Manager continues:
"meet with local activists where it is safe to do so. Stop looking for solutions in Silicon Valley  and start looking within local societies, as the Apps for Africa contest is doing.  Unlike my more cynical colleagues, I do believe that the American government can do good for digital activists around the world, but that will mean truly changing the way we engage, not just digitizing the message."
Mary Joyce depicts Jared Cohen and Alec Ross as the "perfect examples" of how US foreign policy has shifted 
"away from career diplomats and towards young staffers and technology entrepreneurs."
Obama's former New Media Operations Manager believes the State Department still has 
"a centralized broadcast view of media.  It is still far from the reciprocal, post/comment, read/write,  peer-to-peer model of networked media.  America is still the one speaking and others around the world are expected to listen."
And for those who have read Brian Solis' book Engage, this strategy is a recipe for failure.

 Evgeny Morozov has written in similar fashion and pointed to the need for a
"global debate about the future of foreign policy in the digital era."
 Alec Ross' new years message on twitter was:
"I have enjoyed discussing innovation in development with Kagame"
This sickening cozyness with a criminal shows provocative and clear hostility towards the views expressed by both Mary Joyce and Evgeny Morozov. Intentional? Is this illustrative of a deeper rift within the democratic party? Or does it reveal the lack of engagement of US politics towards mainstream America in general?

As Brian Solis writes: "Once invincible organisations are seeking your help to earn relevance today and in the future".  In other words, the State Department has a choice to make: Engage or Die! Are they aware of the choice, or just making the wrong one?

Engagement is an incremental and very delicate process, Alec Ross is like an elephant in a porcelain store.

The US government clearly needs some new social media strategists fast and they are hiring!!

Saturday, January 8, 2011

AfrobeatRadio Special on the Southern Sudanese Referendum on Independence

Rev. Dr. Nikita Imani, Associate
Professor of Sociology at James
Madison University and ordained
minister in both the Baptist and
African Orthodox Churches spoke to
Afrobeat Radio about the Southern
Sudanese Referendum.

Are peace and self-determination possible for the Sudanese people, despite troops amassing in both north and the south, and vast oil wealth, concentrated in the South and coveted by competitive foreign powers? Ann Garrison reports on Sudan Referendum January Sat 8, on WBAI 99.5 FM NY, streaming live @ WBAI.Org at 4:00 PM EST. Guests: Mugume D. Rwakaringi, Rev. Dr. Nikita Imani, Peter Erlinder, Milton Allimadi.

Audio link:

Voting began in Southern Sudan on their referendum on independence began on January 9, 2011.

Tuesday, January 4, 2011

Spruyt's Valse Tegenstelling

Bart-Jan Spruyt schrijft vandaag  :
"De ChristenUnie afficheert zichzelf als ‘christelijk-sociaal’. In de praktijk betekent dat dat de partij bij vraagstukken als sociaal beleid, asielbeleid, ontwikkelingssamenwerking en milieu linkse standpunten inneemt en optrekt met partijen als PvdA, SP en GroenLinks. "
Nooit heeft een Nederlandse politicus mij er van kunnen overtuigen dat het sluiten van de grenzen voor vreemdelingen "rechts" zou zijn. En in het schrijfsel van Bart-Jan bespeur ik niet eens een poging om deze stelling aannemelijk te maken.

Bovendien, om mij tot het denkkader van hedendaagse conservatieven te beperken, in welk opzicht leiden open grenzen bijvoorbeeld tot meer overheid?